Sources and translations

This blog provides our draft translation of Carolingian texts, mostly linked to Hincmar of Rheims or the divorce of Lothar II and Theutberga.


The texts translated are as follows:


Page references are given in square brackets in the translation. All these translations are works in progress and have not been checked for errors or readability. Readers are strongly advised to check the Latin text themselves.


Saturday, 10 February 2018

The Quierzy letter of 858 (extracts)


In the late summer of 858, King Louis ‘the German’ of East Francia invaded the kingdom of his younger brother Charles ‘the Bald’ of West Francia, in a bid to reverse the terms of the Treaty of Verdun that had divided the realm of their grandfather Charlemagne. Sweeping aside all resistance, Louis marched through Ponthion, Châlons, Sens and reached as far Orléans. He then invited the bishops of West Francia to a synod at Reims, near his winter base at the palace of Attigny, where a few weeks later he issued a charter dated to the first year of his rule in West Francia.[1]

The bishops met at the nearby palace of Quierzy. Refusing Louis’s invitation, they instead sent him an extended letter that offered some frank advice. The king, they warned, should examine his conscience and be wary of his counsellors, bearing in mind the fate of his father Emperor Louis the Pious; he should work for peace and to defeat the Vikings, rather than bringing about disruption; he should protect the church; he should organise his court as a model for everyone; he should appoint suitable counts and missi; he should manage his royal estates and their residents effectively. The letter was a collective one, in the name of all the bishops concerned, but in large part it was probably written by Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims, drawing on the decisions of recent Frankish councils. Later, Hincmar told Charles the Bald, the king of West Francia, that the letter had been written as much for him as for Louis.

Extracts from provisional translation are presented here, which was prepared by Charles West, with the assistance of Richard Gilbert, Robert Heffron and Harry Mawdsley who attended a regular Latin translation class based on this text at the University of Sheffield, as part of a long-term initiative with Rachel Stone to make more of Hincmar’s work available in translation. The translation also draws on Jinty Nelson’s unpublished partial translation which she kindly made available, and has benefited greatly from her suggestions (any errors that remain are CW’s). It is based on the edition in Die Konzilien der karolingischen Teilreiche 843-859, ed. Wilfried Hartmann, MGH Concilia III (Hannover, 1984), pp. 408-427. Hyperlinks are provided to this MGH edition to ease comparison with the original Latin. Suggestions for improvement are welcome.
For a revised and complete translation, please see Charles West, The Fall of a Carolingian Kingdom: Lotharingia 855-869, University of Toronto Press, forthcoming.

The text is preserved in a number of manuscripts, of which much the earliest is Paris BnF lat. 5095, where it is ff. 130-137 (link to the manuscript on Gallica). The account of Bishop Eucherius’s vision of Charles Martel in chapter 7 is also transmitted independently in a further eleven manuscripts.

CW, February 2018 (edited February 2023]
***

TRANSLATION

[MGH] The chapters that follow were sent by the bishops of the provinces of Reims and Rouen from the palace of Quierzy, where they were meeting, to King Louis at the palace of Attigny, via Archbishop Wenilo of Rouen and Bishop Erchenrad of Châlons, in the year of the Lord 858, in the month of November.[2]
To the glorious king Louis, we the bishops of the provinces of Reims and Rouen who could be present send greetings.

Chapter 1. [The bishops send their apologies for the meeting]
Some of us have the letters of Your Dominion, in which you ordered that we should meet you on the VII Kalends of December [25 November] at Reims, so that you might discuss with us and with your other faithful followers the restoration of the holy Church and the state and wellbeing [salus] of the Christian people.[3] But we were not able to come to the meeting, on account of the inconvenience and the shortness of time, and the unsuitability of the place, and – which is more grievous – because of the confusion and disorder that has arisen.

And according to the divine laws (which with your brothers you told us that you would observe), it makes good sense that just as archbishops should not dare to do anything without the agreement of the suffragan bishops, so neither should suffragan bishops act without the agreement or order of archbishops, except about matters that concern their own dioceses. And, in such a short time, we were unable to arrange letters for the archbishops concerning an assembly.

Therefore let Your Excellence know that Our Humility has not disregarded your command, but as has been said long before us, ‘whoever orders the impossible makes himself ridiculous’.[4]

Chapter 4. [The bishops call on Louis to examine his conscience, comparing the situation with the rebellions against Louis the Pious] [MGH]
Firstly, look into your arrival into this kingdom in [your] heart of hearts, before the eyes of the Lord, to Whom according to the Psalms the thoughts of man are confessed [Ps 75:11], and weigh up the scales of justice. And whatever your encouragers and advisers and flatterers are saying to you, return to your heart [Is. 46:8]. And whatever you can find and say to justify and recommend your arrival, examine your conscience: and judge whether you wish to keep doing those things which you are doing.

And place before your mind’s eye that hour – of which you can be certain, since in no way can you escape it – when your soul will depart your body, and will leave behind the whole world and all power and all riches and the body itself, and will go forth naked and desolate, without the help of a wife or children, and without the support and company of your retinue [drudores] and vassals [vassi], and will leave unfinished whatever it thought about and decided to arrange: for as Scripture says, In that day all their thoughts will pass away [Ps 145:4]. And your soul will see and feel all its sins, watching as devils constrain and compel it. And whatever it thought, spoke and did against love and the faith owed on this earth, and has not made up for in the worthy fruits of penance, it will have before its eyes for ever, and will wish to escape, and will not be able to. For it is certain that devils come to all men when they leave their body, both to the just and to sinners; and [the devil] even also came to Christ himself, in whom he found nothing [of] his, as it is written: The prince of this world comes, and has nothing in me [John 14:30]. And truly believe us, o king who we wish always to be good and Christian, that this hour is not far away, but near enough to you, and nearer than is hoped.

Therefore do not let those things that you see seduce you. In the time indeed of your father [Louis the Pious], we saw things begun and initiated by some people which we see in this time to be brought about by those who do this, and they will be completed by others. And just as they laugh now when they obtain from you what they want in the moment of their desire, so they will laugh when the hour of your death comes to you, and they will ask how they might hold through anyone else what they obtained from you. And it is possible that some are asking this while you are still alive. And unless they do worthy penance, they too will go miserably to that hour of their death, just as those went who abandoned your father with your brother [Lothar]. For just as they organised sedition against paternal reverence, so these are inciting you against fraternal love, in the name of peace and the state of the church and the salvation [salus] and unity of the people. And the poison was hiding under the honey.
 
[MGH] And the word of the psalmist was fulfilled in those, and is being fulfilled in these: Those who speak peace with their neighbour, but have evil in their hearts [Ps 27:3], and the rest which follows. And what they received in this world is well known, and what they will receive in the next world will be known in full in the Judgement. And seeing their fate [of the rebels against Louis], these [Louis’s followers] should have feared their deeds, and they should act as if the Lord looks down at them, He who looks down and protects the small and the humble; and so once the wicked man is beaten, as it is written, the child will be wiser [Prov. 19:25]. And they will understand that the Lord will neither spurn nor forget his people [plebs] in the end; since it is because of the misery of the needy and the groans of the poor that I will now arise [Ps 12;1], said the Lord. Besides, just as then He said to them, so now the Lord says to these: I was silent, but can it be that I will always be silent? I will shout out as if giving birth [Isaiah 42.14]; my hour has not yet come [John 2.4], but now it is your hour, when darkness reigns [Luke 22.53]; and if you, even you, had only known on this day what would bring you peace but now it is hidden from your eyes, because the days will come upon you [Luke 19.42ff].

Invite yourself, we beseech you, to such a place where you are able to concentrate, to read the homily of St Gregory on the reading of the Gospel: Jesus, seeing the city, wept over it [Luke 19.41].We beseech you, lord, that you may have before your mind’s eye that day when your soul will receive back its own body along with all other men, and you will come before the face of the eternal Judge in the sight of all angels and men; in which day, just as St Paul said, the Lord will judge everyone, not through another’s testimony but through everyone’s hidden thoughts that either accuse or defend them, when everyone receives their own body, according to his deeds, whether good or bad. And at that time, the words that we have written will not be despised by those who now hold them in contempt, when without doubt they will be repeated as evidence in that terrible Judgement. And none of those people will help you then. If they continue in this fashion, doing such things as we hear about and experience and lament, they will not even be able to help themselves, but will go into the eternal fire, while the just, who now suffer unjustly, will go into the life eternal.

Chapter 7. [The bishops call on Louis to protect the church, and give the example of Charles Martel as a warning]
And if you seek to restore the church of God, just as you wrote to us, then guard the privileges due to bishops and to the churches entrusted to them, as is divinely constituted. Take care to preserve the rights and immunities and the honour of these churches, as your grandfather and your father kept them. And what your brother, our lord [Charles], who received part of the kingdom by paternal gift and with the mutual undertakings of you and your faithful men, has done for the cult and honour of the churches, you should similarly maintain.

And cherish the rectors and pastors of the church as fathers and vicars of Christ, just as the Holy Scripture orders, saying: Treat the priests of God as holy, and lower your head to great men [Eccl. 7:31]. And obey their spiritual counsel, as the Scripture says again: Ask your father and he will tell you, ask your elders, and they will say to you [Deut 32:7]; and similarly: Ask my priests my law; and the Lord through the prophet Malachi: The lips of the priest shall keep knowledge, and they should seek the law from his mouth, because he is the messenger of the Lord’s flock [Malach 2:7]. And do not trouble them at an unsuitable and unfavourable time,[7] but allow them to carry out the sacred ministry, to which they were appointed, for the salvation [salus] of the people; and do not stir up those subject to them in domestic care, and do not permit them to dishonour or oppress the bishops.

Make sure that the fitting honour and owed rights, which the canons and the capitularies of your grandfather and father decreed, are preserved for the priests. Command that bishops shall have the peaceful freedom [libertas] to travel through their diocese, preaching, confirming and correcting. Ensure that, if the bishops order it, the missus of the realm, that is the officer of a count, goes with other people to compel incestuous freemen to come to the bishops’ court, if they are not willing to come through the admonition of priests. Establish an officer for this purpose [constitutum ministerio] through whom, if a bishop tells you about some ecclesiastical necessity for which his messenger has come, he may obtain what he reasonably seeks in your palace, just as the count of the palace acts in the matters of the realm.[8] Make sure that they are able in peace to have comprovincial synods with other bishops, and specific synods with priests. Do not allow church properties and goods [res et facultates], which are the offerings of the faithful, the price of sins, and the stipends of the male and female servants of God, to be plundered and separated from the churches[9] – but instead bravely resist and defend, as a Christian king and alumnus of the church.
Concerning that property consecrated to God, which the free men serving the church have through the disposition of the rector of those churches, the successors of the apostles established this arrangement: so that just as the offering of the faithful grew, and the wickedness of the unfaithful grew even more, so the armed forces [militia] of the kingdom might be augmented through the dispensation of the church to resist the wickedness of evil men, so the churches may have defence and peace, and Christendom [christianitas] may have tranquillity.[10] Therefore, just as the goods and properties from which the clerics have a livelihood are under the consecration of immunity, so too are those goods and properties from which vassals owe military service; and they ought to be defended with equal protection by royal power for the requirements of churches.

For indeed, the prince Charles [Martel], father of king Pippin, was the first among all the kings and princes of the Franks to separate and distinguish the goods of the churches from the churches: because of this alone, he is certainly doomed forever. [MGH] For the holy bishop Eucherius of Orléans, who rests in the monastery of St Trond, whilst kneeling in prayer was seized and taken to another world, and amongst other things that the Lord showed him, he saw Charles being tortured in deepest hell.[11] When Eucherius asked the angel leading him about it, the angel replied that by the judgement of the saints, who will judge in the future judgement with the Lord, and whose property he took and divided up: before that judgement, he [Charles] was condemned in soul and body to eternal punishment, and he receives penalties for not just his own sins but also for the sins of all those who gave their goods and properties in the honour and love of the Lord to the places of the saints for the lighting of the divine cult and for the sustenance of the servants of Christ and the poor, for the redemption of their souls. When Eucherius returned to himself, he summoned holy Boniface and Fulrad, abbot of the monastery of St-Denis and the high chaplain of King Pippin. He explained what he had seen to them, and gave as proof that they should go to Charles’s tomb, and if they did not find his body there, they should believe that what he said was true. And they went to the aforementioned monastery where Charles’s body was buried, and they uncovered and looked at his tomb and suddenly a dragon emerged, and the whole interior of the tomb was found to be blackened, as if it had been burned. We ourselves saw people who lived up to our time [MGH] and who were involved in this matter, and they attested truthfully in person to us what they had heard and seen.

Once aware of this, his son Pippin brought together a synod at Lestinnes,[12] of which George the legate of the apostolic see was in charge along with Saint Boniface – and we have [the records of] that synod – and he took care to return as much as he could of those churches’ properties that his father had taken to the churches. And since he did not prevail in restoring all the properties to the churches from which they had been taken, on account of the conflict which he was having with Waifar the prince of Aquitaine, Pippin thereafter asked for precaria grants to be made by the bishops and decided that ninths and tenths [of the revenues] were given to the restoration of the roofing, and with regards to each casata twelve pence were given to the church from which the properties were [held as] benefices, as it is recorded in the book of the capitularies of the king, until these properties could be returned to the church.[13]

And the lord emperor Charles, till now, established a decree in the royal name, that neither he nor his sons nor any of his successors would attempt to do things of these kinds.[14] He confirmed this with his own hand, of which [confirmations] we have very many, and there is an excerpted chapter in the book of his capitularies which anyone who has that book and wishes to read it will be able to find. [MGH]. We have this account in writing, and some of us have also heard the emperor Louis your father talk about this in person.

And the holy canons, written by the Holy Spirit, reckon those who plunder ecclesiastical property and unduly usurp for themselves ecclesiastical estates to be similar to Judas, the betrayer of Christ. And the saints in heaven, who reign with God in heaven and glitter with miracles on earth, will exclude them from the threshold of the Church and from the heavenly kingdom, like murderers of the poor. About these sacrilegious people, there is a prediction in the prophecy of the psalmist, who said My God, send them whirling this way and that, like leaves, like straws before the wind. See how the fire burns up the forest, how its flames scorch the mountain-side! So let the fury of thy onset rout them, thy fury dismay them. Fill their faces with shame [Ps 82:13-17].

Chapter 12. [Advice on how to run his court and kingdom]
Nourish, rule and arrange your domestic household [domum domesticam] in such a way that when the people of the kingdom assemble before you, they may see in you and in your retainers how soberly, how justly, how piously, and with how much humility and chastity, they ought to nourish, arrange and govern their household too; for, as a certain wise man once said, the family will be safe according the habits of its master. And that is why the king’s household is called a school, that is a disciplina; not so much because there are scholars like others there, that is disciplined and well-corrected people, but rather it is called a school, by which we mean disciplina, that is correctio, because they correct others in behaviour, progress, in word and deed, and in the preservation of all goodness.

And unless you are supported by the God of virtues, you will be like a peg which is not secure, and you will fall, and those hanging from you will slip. So therefore, as God taught when he was being tempted to render to those constituted under power, what is of Caesar to Caesar and what is of God to God – likewise you, who are under God and above men, render to God what is of God, and like a just Caesar, render to the subjects what belongs to them. Render to God a pure and immaculate faith and a most sincere observance regarding priests, the privileges of the churches, the holy places, ecclesiastical men and women, the defence of the Church and of christianitas, the equity and justice of the Christian people, the support, peace and consolation of all the needy, as we set out above. Render to God a daily payment in daily prayer, in just and assiduous alms. Give to Him your devotion in holy gifts and profuse tears according to the size and number of your daily sins. Render to your subjects judgement with mercy, justice with equity. Take care to exalt the humble and God-fearing, and to subdue and humiliate the proud. Try to be more loved than feared by the good. Take care that the wicked fear to do evil things, if not on account of God then for fear of you. Let not a lying tongue, a full hand or unearned subservience be worth more to you than truth, equity and sincerity, knowing that it is written he who draws his hand back from every gift will inhabit the heavens [Isaiah 33:15]. This must be understood aptly: [MGH] and the gift is no different from the spoken favour, from the hand’s donation, from the subjection of unearned subservience.

Appoint officers of the palace who know, love and fear God; who take the greatest care that the needy coming to the palace run to see you, their father and consoler when you pass through them, and do not – which we do not wish to say – flee whilst groaning and cursing. Appoint counts and officers of the res publica who do not love gifts, who hate avarice, who detest pride; who neither oppress nor dishonour the men of the country [pagenses]; who in no way devastate their harvests, vineyards, meadows and woods; who do not seize or plunder their cattle or pigs or whatever they have, nor take it away through violence and trickery; who do things that are of God and fitting to christianitas, by the counsel of the bishops; who hold courts not to acquire profit, but so that the houses of God and the orphans and people may have justice; who take more care to bring the litigants to peace, with justice preserved, than to commit them [to legal action] so that they can have some profit from it. But if they cannot placate them, then, as is just, let them make a just judgement with great care, knowing that it is written I shall judge you, o man, for what is good [Micha 6:8], that is doing justice and judgment, and for walking carefully with your God. So that what pleases Him also pleases you and you carry it out, but what is displeasing to Him is displeasing also to you, and you do not carry it out.

But if you do such a thing through frailty, do not stubbornly or obstinately persevere in your wicked deed, but at once pull back your foot as if from a hot iron, and tread in the path of the Lord’s will. And, as it written that there are paths which seem good to men and lead to the abyss, do as Scripture orders you as a man: ask for the right path and walk in it. For as it is said in the Gospels, the path that leads to perdition is broad, and many go through it; and the path that leads to life is narrow and strait, and few come upon it. Since you are a man, listen to the prophet and pray with him: Set before me for a law the way of thy justifications, O Lord: and I will always seek after it [Ps 118:33] and Lead me into the path of thy commandments [Ps 118: 29], and Remove from me the way of iniquity: and out of thy law have mercy on me. For as the prophet Jeremiah says, The path is not man’s, nor is it man who decides where to walk and direct his steps but his steps are guided by the Lord, who directs his way. [Jer. 10:23]

Let those counts similarly, as far as they can, appoint as their officers those who similarly fear God and love justice, and who, when they see their lords acting kindly and affably to their countrymen [pagenses], [MGH] attempt according to their measure to imitate them in all goodness and justice.


Chapter 14. [Advice on managing royal estates][19]
And finally, appoint stewards [iudices] of the royal estates who are not greedy, and who neither love avarice nor usury nor carry it out; nor let them give royal money or their own as loans, nor let their subordinates be usurers – all these things you should hate and flee even more than your officers do. And do not let the stewards oppress royal servants [servi], nor demand more from them than they used to give in the time of your father, nor afflict them with carrying duties at inconvenient times. Nor let them condemn free tenants [coloni] through deceit or tricks or unsuitable loans. For if through such deeds or others you acquire a weight of silver or gold in the treasure chest, greater and heavier will be the weight of sin which you will have on your conscience and soul.

Let the stewards develop your estates with modest buildings [casticia], so that there should be the necessary decency and the familia should not be unduly burdened; let them work and farm the lands and vineyards at the appropriate time with the sollicitude that is owed. Let them preserve and distribute the products with faithful discretion; let them make the appropriate and necessary foodstuffs; let them guard the woods which provide foraging; let them defend and farm the meadows which provide grazing. [MGH] In this way it will be not be necessary for you for whatever reason and on whomsoever’s advice to travel through the possessions of bishops, abbots, abbesses or counts, nor to demand more hospitality than reason requires, or to burden the church’s poor [pauperes] and the farmers [mansuarii] of your faithful men by demanding carting and travelling duties contrary to what is owed, or to pile up sin on your soul through consuming these unowed resources.

Nor should you strive to demand more from the counts and your faithful men from what they take from the Franks than was the law and custom in the time of your father. You should rather have enough so that you can live with your domestic household [cortis] and receive legates coming to your palace, and as is written, enough so that you can give the necessary to those suffering from just labours. For the king ought to be generous, and what is given ought not to have been acquired from injustice or inequity.

The stewards, however, should discipline the free tenants [coloni] of the estates, so that they do not oppress the ecclesiastical men or the poorer Franks, or other servants by means of royal privilege, and so that they do not devastate the woods or those of others which are in their vicinity. For a just king, who should seek justice, should not have impious or unjust officers or tenants [coloni]; but he should demonstrate to everyone a worthy model in himself and in his [followers]. Because if he himself loves God, all good men will love him, and, if he himself fears God, all evil men will fear him. And the king as well as his officers should perform good deeds through love of God, and should teach everyone else to perform good deeds, and they should shun evil through fear of God, and should instruct everyone else to shun evil. Appoint envoys [missi] of such a kind throughout the kingdom, who know how counts and other officers of the state [res publica] administer justice and judgement to the people, and just as they are placed over the counts, so they should surpass them in knowledge, justice and truth.[20]


[1] This charter, no. 94 in the standard MGH edition, is available in French translation with commentary in S. Glansdorff, Diplômes de Louis le Germanique (817-876) (Limoges, 2009), pp. 241-8.
[2] The Paris manuscript has a slightly differently-worded version of this preface.
[3] These letters do not survive.
[4] The origin of this proverb is unknown, but Hincmar of Reims quoted it on other occasions too: e.g. PL 124 1072.
[5] Here the bishops are implying that Louis had a hidden intention in summoning the bishops to Reims – perhaps a plan to compel them to crown him as king?
[6] Perhaps a reference to Charles’s unsuccessful siege of the Vikings at Oissel in July/August 858, recorded in the Annals of St-Bertin, tr. J.L. Nelson, pp. 87-8.
[7] Cf. note 5.
[8] Cf. Hincmar’s comments in De Ordine Palatii, ed. Gross and Schieffer 1980, ch. 20.
[9] A quotation from Julianus Pomerius, a Late Antique author often cited in Frankish councils.
[10] Here christianitas seems to have a territorial meaning – ‘Christendom’. Elsewhere in this text however it seems more to mean the ensemble of Christian practices (‘Christianity’).
[11] Bishop Eucherius died around 738.
[12] Council of Lestinnes, 743, MGH Concilia I, pp. 5-7, summoned by the Mayor of the Palace Carlomann.
[13] This text is strangely not in Ansegis’s collection of capitularies, but rather in the collection of Benedict Levita, I.3
[14] Probably a reference to Ansegis I:77, ed. Schmitz, Die Kapitulariensammlung des Ansegis, pp. 475-6 (MGH).
[15] A reference to the meeting of the three Carolingian kings at Yutz/Thionville in 844: MGH Concilia III, pp. 29-35.
[16] A reference to the meeting of the three Carolingian kings at Meerssen in 847: MGH Capitularia II, pp. 69-72.
[17] Cf. a similar argument in Hincmar’s De Divortio, Appendix Responsio 1, tr. Stone and West, p. 284.
[18] See N. Staubach, ‘“Quasi semper in publico”. Öffentlichkeit als Funktions- und Kommunikationsraum karolingischer Königsherrschaft’, in G. Melville and P. Moos, eds, Das Öffentliche und Private in der Vormoderne (Cologne, 1998), 577-618.
[19] Cf. D. Campbell, ‘The Capitulary de Villis, the Brevium Exempla and the Carolingian court at Aachen’, Early Medieval Europe 18 (2010), pp. 243-64.
[20] Charles the Bald seems to have taken Hincmar’s advice, issuing in 860 detailed instructions to the missi or royal emissaries in his kingdom at the Capitulary of Koblenz travelling throughout his kingdom: MGH Capitularia II, pp. 269-270.
[21] Here the bishops hold out the possibility of coming over to Louis’s rule.
[22] King Lothar II indeed visited Louis while he was at Attigny, and made an agreement with him, the details of which have not survived – see the Annals of St-Bertin, tr. Nelson, p. 88.
[23] Cf. Hincmar’s calls for a general synod of the Frankish church in De Divortio, Response 3 and Appendix Responsio 1, tr. Stone and West, p. 122 and p. 284.
[24] This seems to be a reference to papal letters to Charles the Bald that have not survived.
[25] Cf. Nelson, Frankish World, p. 161, n. 39.

Friday, 1 July 2016

Bishop Adventius writes to Pope Nicholas, 864

In October 863, Pope Nicholas deposed Archbishops Gunthar of Cologne and Theutgaud of Trier, and wrote to all the Lotharingian bishops demanding they present their excuses. This is the letter that Bishop Adventius of Metz sent in response (letter no. 8 of his collection).
This is a draft translation, comments and suggestions welcome. You can see the MGH Latin edition.



To the most glorious shepherd of the Lord’s flock, the blessed lord Nicholas, highest and universal pope: Adventius the humble bishop of the seat of Metz, greetings now and in eternity.

Christ, the Lord God, looking after the flock He acquired with His own blood with His own accustomed piety, gave to you the dignity of the highest priesthood. Amongst the many ornaments of spiritual virtues with which you adorn the holy mother Church in inimitable sanctity, let the holy dogma of ancient authority shine forth, through which the Christian people, happily endowed by the effective example of such a father, is able to avoid the traps of sin and, with God's help, to seize the eternal prize; [220] and may the discipline of the ecclesiastical order remain inviolate in your times. For which my Smallness and all those entrusted to me by divine grace, rejoicing with me, give thanks to Almighty God. And we plead with devoted prayer that Almighty God may deign to keep your pontifical Highness long unharmed, to the consolation of your holy Church and of all faithful souls.

The decrees of your most excellent Apostolicity were sent to us while we were busy with the most savage oppressions of the pagans [Vikings] and the most intense attacks of perverse Christians, and were hoping to manage the care of the Lord’s flock according to our Humility’s capacity. I would have wanted immediately to rush to give a response to them to the dignity of your Majesty in person, had old age not made me sluggish, and had persistent ill-health not compelled me often and unexpectedly to breathe out the spirit. For I would have had great joy of all reward (? totius meriti) if the weakness of my health had permitted me to go to the threshold of the apostles and into your most desired and pre-eminent presence.

But because the pain of gout and my aged limbs deny what I seek, I commit the measure of my Smallness to the omnipotent God and to holy Peter and to your incomparable mercy, you who hold the delegation of God and who resides as the true apostle on the most revered throne of the great prince, so that I may be succoured by your solace. For if I have been deceitfully defamed in the sight of your Gentleness as if a supporter of vice, I humbly beg that you will not disdain to accept in the paternal mood of piety the explanations of my excuse, not shadowed over by the fog of any lies. These explanations I have taken care to set out to your Mercy one by one (capitulatim).

Chapter 1. In no way do I accept into the catalogue of bishops the former archbishop Theutgaud, who up to now has patiently borne the sentence of his deposition carried out by you according to preceding custom, and has not at all dared to touch anything of the sacred ministry. But as a very meek man, he declares that he has foolishly fallen by his own speech, deceived by the most pertinacious obstinacy of someone else, and setting on the path of humility and obedience he awaits an opportunity of satisfaction from your pious generosity.

Chapter 2. I do not count Gunthar, former archchaplain of the sacred palace, in the list of bishops, nor do I dare to enter into communion/communication with him and his supporters, since he has made use of the forbidden office [ie of being an archbishop] and has not feared to treat as nothing the apostolic excommunication.

Chapter 3. These former primates of the church, with other archbishops and their cobishops discussed the case of the most pious king Lothar about his two wives in the presence of your legates in our city, and took the leadership of our teaching (magistratus). It is not hidden to your Holiness what they decreed about the complaint of our prince. By the witness of God with his angels and archangels, I thought that these things, which were spoken with the agreement of many consuls, were pure and true. Alone amidst the decisions of the already mentioned archbishops and bishops at the time, and least in merit and in ordination, who was I to resist the authorities and judgements of the teachers? I feared that I might in some respect go against the decretal of Pope Leo, who at title 32 wrote thus: “Therefore according to canons of the holy fathers established by the Spirit of God, and consecrated by the reverence of the whole world, we decide that metropolitan bishops should have the intact rights of their ancient dignity handed down to them over their provinces”. If they strayed from the rules set down either by licence or by presumption, I was entirely unaware of it. And so it is written in Chapter 9 of the Council of Antioch [221], ‘It behoves bishops through all the regions to know that the metropolitan bishop bears the responsibility for the whole province. Because of that, let all those who have issues in all respects come to the metropolitan’, and so on.

I know of what happened at the origins of that already mentioned complaint only by the account of many, by ear and not by sight, since I was not then a bishop but was busy keeping watch in the temple of the blessed Stephen the protomartyr [ie, the cathedral of Metz], and was only very recently sought out from the clergy in the kingdom of my lord (senior) Lothar and elected by the people, and God knows that I took on the care of the pastoral office not for ambition but because I was canonically invited. It may be that I was much more trusting in the words of the archchaplain and the other fathers who were present than they were to me: and if I perhaps acted naively in some regard, then it remains for me to hasten back to the teacher of truth. Let your unique wisdom bring out the rule in this matter, and behold, I am ready to obey the edicts of your authority as if to God, on Whose behalf you bring it all forth. I rely on your holy and healthy advice, I humbly submit myself to the yoke of obedience.

For although I am aware of the commotion of criticism raised against me by some people’s foolishness, no one can accuse me in this matter of anything except naivety (simplicitas). For I faithfully say “Behold my witness in Heaven, and my conscience on high”. And the vessel of election says “Our glory, that is the testimony of our conscience”. And here blessed Pope Gregory writes thus in the letter to the patricia Theoctista: “in all things”, he says, “that are said about us outside, we should hasten back to the innards of the mind. And if someone’s conscience does not accuse him, then he is free even if everyone else blames him.”

Chapter 4. If the decree of your Authority by the judgement of the holy spirit determined that the already mentioned metropolitans have been deprived of all power of the pastoral office for their excessive ordinances and for their absolution of the anathema issued by the apostolic see upon Ingiltrude the wife of Boso: then know most truthfully that I was not at all involved in that absolution, and after I heard by truthful account that she was wounded by an inauspicious kind of adultery, I have always abominated her like a lethal poison. I advise everyone not in any way to have communion/communicate with the excommunicated, if they dare to use sacred things, as the fourth chapter of Antioch shows, which orders all those communicating with them to be thrown out of the church.

Chapter 5. I absolutely deny that I am a supporter of the condemned or that I am seditious, or that I am guilty of plotting or conspiracy. I declare that I in no way agree with those supporting these things. Rather I state that in all things and canonically I support the head, that is the holy and venerable seat of blessed Peter, to whom He gave the keys of the kingdom of heaven, on which stone Christ the eternal king  built His holy church, against whom the gates of hell will not prevail.

But the sanctity of your Paternity has inviolably decreed that in no way should the loss of honours be feared on account of rash actions and of signing things, and that pardon will not be denied, if we take care to send you our assent in writing whether in person or through our legates. Let the most generous Sanctity of your pre-eminence know that our legate, who now has shown you the already mentioned profession and has clarified it with many words, was delayed because I called our other co-brothers from various places together, encouraging them to perceive and think like you. Once I had ascertained the unanimity of them all, then placed at the margins of this present life I sent to your holy Paternity this legate as a herald, [222] the present bearer of these letters. 

I allow nothing uncertain or condemnable to remain in me, to whom the dissolution of my own body promises to set out on the path of all flesh. But I trust greatly in the mercy of the omnipotent God, that he may concede to me as a sinner the space of this calamitous life, until purged by a worthy satisfaction, I shall know that the grace of your paternal piety has been restored to me who seeks it, and I may be congratulated as accepted back into your fellowship which is worthy to God. For we believe that with the support of God and of the prince of all the apostle, you, spiritually occupied in alms-giving and fasting and secret prayers, ought to take care with all your strength and by divine disposition that the limbs living in the body of Christ should not perish because of a false deception. Therefore if your Mercy is in any way bent by my tearful prayers, I humbly beg through the holy and individual Trinity that, placed in the shipwreck of life, I may deserve to receive from your holy hand what your gentle master Christ said to some disciples hesitating before the closed doors, appearing to them and praying “Peace be with you”.

We humbly beg with assiduous hopes and prayers that the Excellence of your holiness will long thrive unharmed.

Monday, 14 March 2016

Hincmar of Rheims: First Episcopal Capitulary

This is the first of five episcopal statutes issued by Archbishop Hincmar over his long career. The second, not translated here, instructed archdeacons in how they should assess compliance with these requirements.
Translated by Charles West, 2016.  Source: MGH Capitula Episcoporum II, pp. 34-45


In the year 852, on 1 November, at the meeting of priests held in the metropolitan city of Rheims, Bishop Hincmar discussed the laws and ecclesiastical matters. Amongst other very healthy advice, these things were brought forward at the end, to be commended to the memory and carefully observed.

1. That each of the priests should learn in full the exposition on the creed and on the Lord's prayer, according to the traditions of the orthodox Fathers, and carefully instruct the people entrusted to him by preaching about it. Let him understand too the preface of the Canon [of the Mass], and the Canon itself, and be able to recite it clearly from memory. And he should be able to read well the prayers of the mass, the Apostle [reading], and the Gospel [reading]. Let him know to how to pronounce the words and sentences of the Psalms, properly, off by heart, with the customary canticles. And let him commend to memory the sermon of Athanasius On Faith, which begins “Whoever wishes to be saved”. And let him understand the meaning and be able to explain it in common words.

2. That no one is allowed not to know the [baptismal] scrutinies, and the liturgical order for baptism.

3. Let him commend to memory distinctly and rationally the [baptismal] exorcisms, the prayers to make catechumens, the prayers to consecrate the fonts, and the other prayers for males and females, in groups and individually. And similarly the liturgy of baptism for succouring the ill. And whoever is unable to have stone fonts, let him have a suitable vessel for this office of baptism alone. Similarly, let him have clean vessels for washing the corporale and the altar cloths, not used for any other purpose.

4. Let him learn by heart the liturgy for reconciliation [of penitents] according to the level canonically reserved to him, and the liturgy for anointing the sick, and also the prayers appropriate for this necessity. Similarly, let him learn the liturgy and prayers for funerals and for other matters of the dead, and equally exorcisms and the blessings of water and salt.

5. That on every Sunday, each priest shall make in his own church, before the service of the mass, holy water in a clean vessel appropriate for such a mystery, with which he can sprinkle the people entering the church. And whoever wishes, let them take some of it in clean little vessels, and sprinkle it through their dwellings and fields and vineyards, over their livestock and their fodder, and over their own food and drink.

6. That every priest should have a thurible and incense, so that when the Gospels are read, and the offertory for the oblations has been finished, incense may be placed in it, as on the death of the Redeemer.

7. That the priest should cut up in a clean and suitable container the oblations which were offered by the people and were left over after consecration, and the bread which the faithful brought to church, or his own bread. After the service of mass, those who were not prepared for communion may take them as gifts [eulogia], on every Sunday and on feast days. And let the priest bless it with these words before he gives it out as eulogia to those who take it, and let him take care the crumbs do not carelessly fall out: PRAYER
“O Lord, holy Father, omnipotent eternal God, deign to bless this bread with your holy and spiritual blessing, so that to all those eating it with faith, reverence and gratitude to you, it shall be the safety of mind and body, and a defence against all diseases and all attacks of their enemies. Through our Lord Jesus Christ, your son, the bread of life, who descended from heaven and gives life and salvation to the world, and lives and reigns with you as God, in the unity of the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever. Amen.”

8. Let every priest studiously read the 40 homilies of Gregory, and understand them. And, so that he should realise that he has been promoted into the church’s ministry in the form of the 72 disciples, let him learn the sermon of the aforementioned doctor about the 70 disciples sent by the Lord for preaching, in full and off by heart. Let him be instructed too in the necessary computus [date calculation] and chant throughout the cycle of year.

9. Once the morning service is over, let him pay the debts of his duty by singing prime, terce, sext and nones. Then the remaining hours [ie, daily liturgy] will be publicly completed as far as possible either by himself or by his pupils. Then, once the service of the masses over, and the sick have been visited, let him turn to agricultural work, and whatever else is needed, keeping the fast so that he is able to attend to the necessities of pilgrims, guests or various travellers, the sick and dying, up to the agreed time, according to the quality of the season and the opportunity.

10. That he should take care of guests, especially the poor and crippled, orphans and pilgrims; and he should invite them to his lunch every day, as far as possible, and give them hospitality appropriately.

11. That no priest should dare to give the chalice or paten, altar cloth or sacerdotal vestment or book to an innkeeper or merchant or any lay man or lay woman as a pledge. For such is the sanctity of the holy ministry, as Lord forbade through the prophet, with understanding of the higher mystery, that no priest should go forth to the people in his holy garments, but should remove them within the sanctuary as he returns to the people from the holy colloquium. And for whom it is prohibited by the holy canons to enter taverns to drink, lest the holy items of the holy ministry be touched by the impure, how much less should he give them as a pledge? This the holy Pope and Martyr Stephen taught in his decretals to St Hilarus.

12. That no priest should bury anyone in the church without consulting the bishop, except those people whom we have designated individually and personally in a synod. Nor should he demand or extort anything for burial. If however something is given freely by any devout people, to the altar or to the church or to himself, we do not forbid him to accept it courteously.

13. That no priest should take any gift (exenium) or temporal emolument, or rather spiritual detriment, from any public sinner or incestuous person, in order that he will keep quiet about their sin to us or our ministers. Nor should he hesitate, on account of respect of persons or kinship or closeness, sharing in the sin of others, to let us or our ministers know about it. Nor should he presume to take any grace or favour or gift from any penitent, in order that he bring him to reconciliation while he is not worthily penitent and provide him with a testimony of reconciliation, while by spite he removes another, perhaps more worthily penitent person, from reconciliation. This is simony, and abominable to God and man.

14. That when the priests go to a gathering for an anniversary, or the 30th or 3rd or 7th [commemoration dates] of a dead person, or any other occasion, no priest shall dare to get drunk, nor be asked to drink in honour of the saints or his own soul. Nor should he force others to drink or himself gulp it down on someone else’s request, nor should he dare to have raucous applause and laughter, or to tell silly stories, or to sing. Nor shall he allow shameful games with a bear and tornatrices to take place in front of him. Nor should he allow masks of demons, which are commonly called talamascas, to be brought out, since this is devilish and prohibited by the sacred canons. Rather let him eat with honesty and religion and go back to his church at the right time. Above all, let each take care that, as he wishes to rejoice in his status, he shall not for some reason and by some words annoy or provoke his peer or anyone else, to anger and disagreement and arguing, still less to fighting and murder. Nor if provoked should he rise to these things. For the devil is always involved in these joint dinners and drinks, which the unreligious arrange.
When however priests meet for some dinner, let the deacon or someone senior amongst them begin the verse in front of the table, and bless the food. And let them be seated according to order, each doing honour to the others, and let them bless the food and drink in turn, and let one of these clerics read something from the holy writings. And after they have eaten, let them recite a sacred hymn, by the example of the Lord and saviour and his disciples, as we read they did at dinner. And let priests control themselves in every place, especially in such things, lest, as the apostle says, ‘our ministry should be brought into disrepute’.

15. That when the priests meet together on the first of every month, after the holy mystery and the necessary collatio has been celebrated, let them not sit down at table as if for a feast (prandium), and weigh themselves down with unsuitable dishes, because this is shameful and burdensome. Often returning late to their churches, they complain about the damage of reprimand, and argue amongst one another about their mutual burden more than they do anything of profit. For Paul the Apostle chastises the Corinthians about this kind of meeting, which takes place under the cover of religion: they used to meet together to take the Lord's supper, unsuitably. Thus those who come to the Lord’s supper, that is to the collatio of the word, as an excuse and in truth are joined together for the sake of their stomachs, will be held as reprehensible before both God and men.
And so once everything they wanted has been carried out, let them break bread in the house of their co-brother, with their other brothers, with thanks and love, and let them have individual drinks, and above all let them not take the cup more than three times, and return to their churches.

16. About the groups which are popularly called geldonia [cf English 'guilds'] or confratriae, we have advised verbally and now we expressly warn in writing, that there should be so much as pertains to reason, authority and usefulness; and that none, whether priest or member of the faithful, should dare to go beyond this in our diocese. That is, that they may join together for every religious duty, that is in gifts, lighting, mutual prayers, funerals for the dead, almsgiving and other offices of piety. Those who wish to offer a candle, whether individually or as a group, may bring it to the altar either before the mass or during it, before the gospel is read. They may make one offering and oblation only, for themselves and all those conjoined and close to them. If he brings more wine in a barrel or a jug or more oblations, then let him give them to the priest or his minister either before or after the mass, from which the people may take eulogiae in alms and blessing from it, or the priests may have a supplement.
But feasting and joint dinners, which holy authority prohibits, and where arguments and un-owed exactions and shameful and stupid mirth and disorder often take place, leading, as we have seen, to murder and hatred and dissension – these things we absolutely forbid. If anyone dares to do this, then if he is a priest or some cleric, he will be deprived of his grade; if he is a layman or woman, he or she will be separated from the church until satisfaction is done.
If it is necessary that the co-brothers should all come together for a meeting, for example if someone has an argument with his peer which must be reconciled, but which cannot be without a meeting of the priest and the others, then, after these things which are of God and are fitting to the Christian religion have been carried out, and after the required admonitions, if it happens that everyone comes together for refreshments by the law of love and fraternal consolation, we permit this to happen. Let them preserve modesty and temperance and sobriety and the concord of peace, as befits co-brothers, so that everything is for fraternal edification and the praise and glory of God. And let what the Saviour says particularly be watched out for, ‘Watch out lest your hearts be weighted down in intoxication and drunkenness.’ (1). Let those who wish take eulogiae from the priest, and break bread only, and let each person have a single drink and dare to take nothing else. And then let each one go home with the Lord's blessing.


17. That if any priest should die, the neighbouring priest should not obtain from the secular lord by request or by some gift a church which was previously independent, nor even a chapel, without our permission. If he should do this, let him receive a sentence that follows, as decreed by the canonical authority about the bishop who through ambitions seeks a greater city: he should lose that which he holds, and not obtain that which he tried to usurp.



(1). This section in italics is not present in all manuscripts.

Monday, 14 December 2015

The Judgement of Courtisols

The judgment of Courtisols, 13 May 847

Based on the edition in J-P. Devroey, "Libres et non-libres sur les terres de Saint-Remi de Reims: La notice judiciare de Courtisols (13 Mai 847) et le Polyptyque d'Hincmar , Journal des Savants (2006), 65-103
Translated by Charles West 2016

On the command of Archbishop HINCMAR, his legates – that is Sigloard the priest and head of the school of the holy church of Rheims, and the noble Dodilo vassalus of the bishop – came to Courtisols. Sitting at the public court, and investigating the justice of Saint Remi and of the already mentioned lord [Hincmar], they heard a rumour [sonus] about the mancipia[1] whose names are given below, and about their genealogy: that they rightly ought to be servi and ancillae,[2] because their grandmothers Berta and Avila had been bought by the lord’s price. The above-mentioned legates, when they heard this, diligently looked into the matter.

These are the names of those who were present and questioned: Grimold, Warmher, Leuthad, Ostrold, Adelard, Ivoia, and the daughter Hildiardis.[3] They said in response “That is not so, for we ought to be free by birth”.

The already mentioned legates asked if there was anyone there who knew the truth of this matter or who wanted to prove it. Then very old witnesses came forward, whose names are these: Hardier, Tedic, Odelmar, Sorulf, Gisinbrand, Gifard, Teuderic.[4] And they testified that their origin had been bought by the lord’s price, and that they ought by justice and law more to be servi and ancillae than free men and free women.

Then the legates asked if the witnesses against them were telling the truth. They [the mancipia] saw and accepted the truth and proof of the matter, and at once re-entrusted themselves, and re-pledged the service that had been unjustly held back and neglected for so many days, through the judgement of the scabini[5], whose names are these: Geimfrid, Ursold, Frederic, Urslaud, Hroderaus, Herleher, Ratbert, Gislehard.

ENACTED in Courtisols on the 4th Ides of May in the public court, in the sixth year of the reign of the glorious King Charles; and in the third year of the rule of Archbishop Hincmar of the holy see of Reims.
Sign: I Sigloard the priest was present and subscribed with my own hand to all these truthful matters. I Heronod the chancellor signed. I Dodilo signed with my own hand. Sign of Leidrad the monk. Sign of Adroin the mayor. Sign of Gozfred the advocate. Sign of Flotgis. Sign of Guntio. Sign of Betto. Sign of Rigfred. Sign of Urinus. Sign of Alacramn, Altiaud, Balsmus, Balthard, Fredemar, Tuehtar, Atuhar, Geroard, Wido, Righard, Amalhad, Rafold, Alter, Amalbert.[6] I Hairoald the chancellor authorised and signed.
The above mentioned witnesses also proved that Teutbert and Blithelm were by origin servi, and they repledged their service in that court meeting, by the judgement of the scabini whose names are written above.




[1] Mancipia is a term that generally means ‘unfree people’, and that would traditionally be translated as ‘slaves’. In property transfer records, mancipia are listed as part of an estate’s assets, along with livestock and agricultural infrastructure.
[2] Ie, male and female slaves/servants.
[3] These people are listed in the estate survey for Courtisols that was made around the same time (in the polyptych of St-Remi). It is to be noted that many of them were joint tenants of holdings along with people of free status, which may well be why they claimed that they were free too.
[4] All these witnesses were legally-free inhabitants of Courtisols.
[5] Scabini were residents who enjoyed a special status: something like jurors or local councillors.
[6] Most of these names were other residents of Courtisols.